Chinese Kongsi Clan

Sample details Pages: 30 Words: 9065 Downloads: 1 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Chapter 1 Introduction The Chinese of South China came to Malaya in the great numbers. Today, they comprise about the Hokkien dialect, and they quickly established their clan houses or kongsi, in Georgetown. These kongsi are actually clan temples for ancestor worship. They are set like jewels in courtyards, guarded by great stone lions. However, the role of the Chinese kongsi changes very rapid in Malaya since the late 1900s, and hence their impact on the Chinese community was very significance. The Chinese kongsi were district associations was organized on a district (of China) or clan (surname) basis. Chinese kongsi also were mutual-benefit societies whose membership was drawn from particular village and prefectures in China. In China they were originally religious or benevolent self help associations, which assumed a political or anti-dynastic character at the time of the Manchu conquest, and later degenerated into organizations of criminals for exploiting and intimidating the community. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Chinese Kongsi Clan | International Relations Dissertations" essay for you Create order Their rivalries, especially regarding control and limits of the protection areas into which they parceled towns and districts, brought them into collision. Their objects were to help needy members carry out various religious rites, and help in settling disputes among their members or between their members and others. Chinese kongsi are organizations of popular origin found among overseas Chinese communities for individuals with the same surname in Malaya. In the opinion of contemporary Europeans, kongsi was quite distinct from the hui or secret society, but the fact is that kongsi was the inclusive term including the benevolent associations, pure and simple, and the hui that was both self-help and criminal in its scope. When the hui were finally suppressed, the kongsi survived and they continue their work of benevolence and mutual assistance.But the maritime province of China from which the Straits Chinese were drawn was notorious in Chinese history for their turbulence and for generations various districts had carried on bloody feuds. When the natives of these districts came to Malaya they brought their feuds with them. To understand how British colonialism affected the Chinese community in Penang to form an association or Chinese kongsi, we have to look into the implications of the colonization of the island by Francis Light an English country trader. 1.1 Background Pulau Pinang or Penang is name of an island in the Straits Malacca and also is a small mountainous island off the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, 15 miles long by nine miles wide. The east coast of the island is the site of Penangs harbor, formed by the narrow channel that separates the island from the mainland. The name of Penang as called by Chinese as Binlang Xu (means island of Penang) in navigational drawings used by the maritime voyages of Imperial (Ming dynasty China) envoy Admiral Cheng Ho. Penang was already identified in the chart ofCheng Hos voyage to the South Sea in the 15th century. However, the urban development of Penang only started when Francis Light established the trading base of the East India Company in 1786, for the voyage between China and India. All the varied flavours of both worlds- in the faces, languages, customs and costumer- are blended, yet distinct. Penang was founded for trade, and trade remains the hearts of its economy. In time Penang earned a reputation for having the sweetest water in the east. Similarly, the Chinese settlement in Tanjong Tokong pre-dates the English settlement by several decades. There were also Chinese planters living in Krian and along the Kedah coast, opposite the island. The main urban settlement on the island, George Town, sits close to this harbor on the northeastern promontory of the island. George Town was named by Francis Light on August 10th 1786, and is thus as old as the Settlement itself. Light had occupied the island on (July 17th) that clearing the jungle on Penaga Point and going on to mark out what are still the central thoroughfares viz. Having named the island after the Prince of Wales, Light evidently made amends by naming the town after George III, quickly adding name to commemorate and conciliate the Primer Minister (William Pitt), and the Governor-General (Cornwallis). 1.1.1 Founding Penang Penang was part of the sultanate Kedah until it became a British possession in 1786, gaining independence as part of the Federation of Malaya in 1957. In 1786, Captain Francis Light established Penang to serve as an English trading emporium in the Straits of Malacca, an area strategically located between India and China. At that time, the British had no port between Calcutta and Canton, a matter for concern when monsoon storms drove British ship to seek supplies or repair. These scenario had changed dramatically on 17 July 1786 when Lieutenant Gray, under the command of Captain Francis Light, led a pioneer landing party and proceeded to supervise an orderly disembarkation. Captain Light, who was on board the Eliza, had chosen Penaga Point, a cover on the northeast finger of the island, to set-up his headquarters. The Eliza, accompanied by the Prince Henry and the Speed well, had left Kedah port on the 14th of July after having reached an understanding with the Sultan to establish a trading port on behalf of the English East India Company. After Francis Light introduced the idea of a free port, which in sharp contrast to the established practice in the area. The result was dramatic. Small trades who had been sailing to several small Malayan and Dutch ports turned more and more toward Penang. Soon a steady stream of permanent Asian settlers followed. At the same time, Penang also attracted Chinese traders and merited from India subcontinent and the neighboring Malay States. Light reported to the East India Company that trades came from as far as Arabia in the West and Makasaar in the East. Light successfully negotiated an agreement with the Sultan of Kedah that Penang would be ceded to the East India Company in exchange for 6,000 per annum and the promise that the company would station an armed vessel in the Straits to guard Penang and the Kedah coast. They agreed that free trade would be allowed, and that anyone could trade on the Kedah coast without restriction. Despite having written reports to his superiors in Calcutta about the helpfulness of the natives on the island, Captain Francis Light and subsequent East India Company officers considered the island virtually uninhabited .Thus Light went on to claim the island for the English Crown and christened it Princes of Wales Island. Its capital was Georgetown, named after George III while the fort itself was named after the Governor-General of India, Charles, Marrquis Cornwallis. Through this second treaty signed in 1800, the English gained control of the coastline stretching from Kuala Kedah in the north to the Krian estuary in the south. This was named Province Wellesley, after Richard, Earl of Mornington, later Marquis of Wellesley, Governor-General of India. Once the agreement was concluded, the British boats landed. The next day, a Chinese from Kedah, together with some Indian Christians, brought Light a welcoming gift of fishing nets. Most agree that this man was Koh Lay Huan, a Chinese from Fujian province whom Light described as the most respectable member of the Chinese, and whom he appointed as Penangs first Chinese community leader or kapitan (a word borrowed from Dutch into English, Chinese and Malay to refer to the appointed leaders of ethnic groups). Penang quickly became a cosmopolitan commercial center, and among the many who flocked to Penang to seek the protection of the British flag were Europeans, Chooliahs (Tamils), Bengalis, Chinese, Bur mese, Arabs, Malays and Portugese. By 1789, there were ten thousand residents, and this number doubled by 1795. 1.1.2 Founding Chinese Kongsi As the majority of Chinese immigrants came from the southern maritime provinces of China (Fukien, Kwangtung and Kwangsi) where the Triad Society had prospered, it is not surprising to find therefore that many of them were in fact Triad members who had brought the secret organization with them to Singapore and Malaya. The available evidence suggests that the Triad was firmly established in the Straits Settlements by the beginning of the nineteenth century. It was first recorded in Penang in 1799 as a source of trouble to the local government. By 1825 there were at least four secret societies- the Ghee Hin, the Ho Seng, the Hai San and the Wah Sang- firmly entrenched on the island. When waves of Chinese immigrants deluged Malaya during the second half of the nineteenth century, they had no intentions of making the country their permanent home. They were hua chiao who left China to find their fortune and having found it, and then they intended to return to the motherland. While the Chinese immigrants lived in Malaya, they wanted Chinese social to comforts for their home-away-from-home. As they increased in number their need for closer identification and security drove to set up associations and societies similar to hose in China. So, while the kongsi administration in Penang at defiance as early as 1799: in 1825 they actually plotted an insurrection in league with the Siamese to overthrow the Government; in 1826 Newbold notes the Triad Society in Malacca as being 4,000 strong. In the meantime, the Chinese immigrant also established the association (or hui kuan) which formed on a provincial basis, there were the Hokkien (Fukien) and Kwangtung Associations. The principal functions of this hui kuan were to keep alive links with their home provinces by making available to members reading materials on their home regions, and to provide mutual aid such as subsidies for funerals of members, education aid include scholarships and loans. While the organizations of the nineteenth century catered primarily to the socio-economic needs of the overseas Chinese, during the twentieth century, as the latter became increasingly politically conscious, these organizations also sought to generate concern for motherland among their members. There were also fully aware that Chinas future depended rot on caring for regional interest alone but for those of the whole nation. Socially, the dialect associations offered opportunities for sharing news and reminiscences about the home districts as well as for recreation. However, the mains functions of the associations were to provide social welfare services and protection to the new immigrants and those who needed material help when they first come to Malaya. Basically, the immigrant will join the associations as a member to make sure they get the protection and the rich merchants were usually elected as the leaders of their respective dialect groups. They contributed large sums of money to keep the association going, and in return, they commanded respect in their own dialect groups. Through the dialect associations or even hui kuan, many Chinese leaders were able to influence the attitudes of the members towards practically any matter. Thus, as well be seen later, both the revolutionaries and the reformists competed for the support of the leaders of the dialect groups. In a period of about forty years (1846-89), a series of riots, twelve of which were serious, had occurred in the Straits Settlements. Most of these involved heavy loss of life and property, and were serious threats to public security. The Penang riot of 1867, for example, involved some 30,000 Chinese and 4,000 Malays (about a quarter of the total population of Penang and Province Wellesley) in a bloody fight which lasted for about a month, and damage was estimated at $ 60,000 (Spanish). Like the dialect groups and the clan organizations, the secret societies formed an important part of the social fabric of the Chinese communities in Singapore and Malaya in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Before their suppression in 1890, the secret societies constituted a semi-legal of self-government in the Chinese communities, protecting life and property, allocating jobs and settling disputes among their members. Because of the lenient policy of the government of the Straits Settlements, the secret societies came to assume considerable control over the Chinese by intimidation, blackmail and violence. They sometimes recruited newly-arrived immigrants by force and protected opium and gambling houses and brothels. Personal feuds and factional quarrels over spheres of influence frequently led to armed clashes which affected the safety of all the Chinese, and threatened public security as a whole. Significant of study Rational, significance, or need for the study The topic of the Chinese kongsi of Penang has been the basis of many studies. It has also formed part of wider studies encompassing British Malaya and Southeast Asia. Most of these studies, however, are concerned with the origin of kongsi and limited studies have been made on the major role and role reversal of the Chinese kongsi in Penang. The present study represents an attempt to fill this gap. Penang became a centre of regional trade in the early 19th century. Its status as an entrepot was over-shadowed after 1819 by Singapore, which also took over as the administrative centre of the Straits Settlements in 1832. Nevertheless its economic base was strengthened from the second half of the 19th century by the growth of the tin and later rubber industries in the Malay Peninsula. Then Penang became part of the global political economy of colonial capitalism. The newly-immigrant Chinese, who were legally aliens and whose ties to their ancestral homeland remained strong. Leaders of both groups sometimes came together in the Chinese Town Hall and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce as well as various organizations, based on clan, district, and occupation, which were the main channels of Chinese social and political life, but the English and Chinese-educated Chinese were virtually separate communities. The Chinese secret societies, they began as self-help Chinese associations that provided protection and assistance to members.Chinese do want to remain culturally distinguishable, and hat they are drawn in this century both towards nationalism in China and towards embracing local loyalties by the same forces, that is by he pressures of modernization and the erosion of traditional values. Nevertheless, this study has not tried to evaluate the quality of Chinese political life in Penang. The significance of this study is to prove that the role of the Chinese kongsi have been changed between the period of the study. The subject of Chinese amalgamations-kongsi or hui kuan and secret societies which are such an outstanding feature of Chinese life in the Straits-has not been fully dealt with here because it is thought of enough importance to merit a separate chapter, but now that references has been made to the policing of the Chinese in the first decades of Penangs story, mention of them cannot be avoided if only in a bare reference. This study has been chosen to discuss the problems in terms of politics because politics can be more volatile and more susceptible to radical change. It may not be as deep as social and culture change, nor as fundamental as economic innovation, but I hope to show that similar questions are worth asking about social and economic change and that the answers these produce would provide a sound basis for evaluating the role of the Chinese kongsi in Penang. Statement of the problem The term for secret society and hui, is often interchangeable with the terms like kongsi or Chinese clan (hui kuan), all roughly translating to the meaning of brotherhood. The term kongsi is more widely know in Southeast Asia, whereas in Penang, the secret societies were simply known as hui or tong. Kongsi or clan halls, are benevolent organizations of popular origin found among overseas Chinese communities for individuals with the same surname. This type of social practice arose, it is held in Penang since 19th century. The term of kongsi is synonymous with the contemporary Chinese word for a commercial firm or business enterprise. The kongsi resembled a miniature Chinese village, with its own self-government as well as educational, financial, welfare and social organizations. However, the establishments of the Chinese kongsi not only cause tenseness among the Chinese communities but also with other group including the Malay and India. This is because of Chinese kongsi only help the member with the same surname but not all Chinese community or other race. Like the Penang Riots of 1867 which were nine days of heavy street fighting and bloodshed among the secret societies of Penang which spiraled out of the British control. However, Chinese kongsi still play a very important role as a benevolent organization of Chinese community in Penang. But, the role of the Chinese kongsi in Penang also changing slowly just as a symbolic of the Chinese culture after 1960. Meanwhile, Chinese kongsi also make distinction between secret societies with Chinese kongsi. That will has to be subject of more detailed in this study. Elements, hypotheses, or research questions to be investigated Chinese community is the second-largest ethnic group in Malaysia, where Chinese groups are allowed to maintain their own cultures, which then fit into a large dominant Malay national pattern. Associational activities had always been an integral part of Chinese life necessitated by economic needs and cultural predilections. Exactly how were these Chinese kongsi originally formed? How did they function? To what extent did these kongsi reflect to the social organization and patterns of the Chinese community? I decide to seek the answer for two questions. The first was how Penang Chinese kongsi attitudes towards the region did and local people change over time, and how this might has influenced their perspective and play the important role on the Chinese groups in Penang? What are their present roles and functions regarding nation-building? In addition, what factors reflected in the general process change of Chinese kongsis role? My second question and the more difficult one was whether the alleged similarities between the Chinese secret societies and Chinese kongsi were the result of contact and mutual influence between them in the colonial period. Has the raison dtre of the Chinese kongsi changed? None of the answers for these questions are self-evident nor could they be adduced from mere observation. I think that such questions should be best subjected to empirical inquiry (as far as is attainable) and treated dispassionately rather than on conjectural or speculative bases. Definition of terms Having thus obtained a general view of the subject matter of this and the following study, it is necessary trace as far as possible from time of its foundation in each Settlement in the Straits, up to year 1867, the history and fortune of each chapter of the local Chinese secret societies and kongsi which collectively are known as the Triad society and upon that evidence to attempt to separate the several societies into the two rival camps of Triad-Hui (secret societies) and Kongsi (benevolent societies). The use of the term Chinese kongsi naturally raises the question: what is a Chinese kongsi and what different between hui(secret society) and kongsi? To prevent conceptual confusion, I shall make a preliminary hypothesis of what a Chinese kongsi is? The word kongsi so frequently made use in the evidence, means company, and the word hui or hoeys means Brotherhood, Society, or Association. A hui is a secret society. But the word kongsi is frequently made use of to denote a hui. In Chinese the term kongsi conveys the meaning of secret and illegal society, only when used after the name such illegal society e.g. Ghee Hin Kongsi. While the word kongsi in Malay terms means a partnership or association of any sort, or a barrack or house occupied by Chinese laborers. But when the word kongsi used in conjunction with the Malay word gelap, it means secret society (kongsi gelap). While Barbara Ward defines Chinese kongsi as the large political groups in the mining districts, which seems rather vague. J.C. Jacksons points are much more specific because he uses the term kongsi to signify alliances of mining unions and their farming and mining members. Wang Tai Peng defines it neither simply as partnership or brotherhood, nor a combination of both. Rather, definition of kongsi is that it was a form of open government, based on an enlarged partnership and brotherhood. Its purpose was to protect economic gains as well as to resist outside powers. This new political organization provided a foundation for the social and economic life of the overseas Chinese. As Wang Tai Peng made a definition of Chinese kongsi in his study: Kongsi is a Chinese world which indicates a firm partnership or society in a very broad sense. The word has been commonly used in the archipelago over centuries and has become current in both Dutch and various native languages. Literally it means government by a general public or administration of public affairs. The world, kongsi, is derived from the dialect of the Hokkien people who have established themselves throughout Java and commercial ports of the outer islands. In the Hakka dialect, it reads as kung-sze. In Riouw and Jawa, administrations of a firm are customarily addressed and referred to as kongsi. Chinese officials also used this title. Owing to the untiring pursuit of the Chinese of the means to raise capital, the Chinese kongsi is numerous not only in our colony but also in the Malay Peninsula, in the outer islands of Indonesia and in the Philippines. The significance of the kongsi for the flowering and development of Chinese industry, commerce and navigation is hard to underestimate. The kongsi were entirely established to hold people of the same home countries and clans in closer tie or relationship. In the family kongsi, no one, because of the tradition, could have private fortune so long as their father lived. All the family capital were at the disposal of the patriarch. Undoubtedly, if under closer examination, many kongsi would no longer be family kongsi as they at first seem to be. The Chinese kongsi have, however, become more and more divorced from the above-mentioned origins over time, more especially recently. (Beknopte Encyclopaedi van Nederlandsche Oost-Indi) In fact, almost every Chinese institution during the early nineteenth century was called kongsi. A temple patron god, a clan society or a provincial club of the Chinese overseas was often named kongsi on foundation. Nevertheless, during the later part of the nineteenth century, they became better know as hui-kuan, a name that was actually much older than kongsi, appearing in the sixteenth century. On the other hand, what exactly is meant by the term secret societies? It does not apply to all groups forced into clandestine activities. Rather, it designates associations whose policies are characterized by a particular kind of religious, political, and social dissent from the established order, such as the White Lotus Sect and the Triad Society. And indeed such present-day terms for secret society as mi-mi hsieh-hui and mi-mi she-hui are neologisms, literal translations of the Western term secret society used from the mid-nineteenth century on by such men as Schlegel, Gtzlaff, and Wylie in describing these Chinese groups as analogous to the Freemasons, the Carbonari and Sainte-Vehme. The groups known in the West as secret societies were classified by the literal of imperial China as hsieh-chiao (perverse, aberrant, or heterodox sects), yin-chiao (depraved sects), mo-chiao (demoniac sects), fei-chiao (rebel sects), yao-chiao (witchcraft sects), etc. Worth noting is the fact that each of these Chinese terms contain an allusion to the religious character of the secret societies, a character discernible in all these groups whether one speaks of the chiao-men, religious sects in the strict sense that propagated a special religious doctrine, or the hui-tang, seditious associations or bands in which the religious elements were restricted to the rites of initiation, to the sacred area called Mu-yang Cheng (City of Willows), to the oaths of fidelity made by invoking the gods, and to other Para religious acts. The Chinese language at that time had no accepted term for secret society. The modern term pi-mi she-hui was apparently introduced by the Japanese. Of two authors writing in the same period about the corporation between the Republicans and the secret societies around 1910, the Japanese, Hirayama Amane, spoke of pi-mi she-hui, whereas the Chinese, Tao Cheng-chang, retained the traditional distinction between chiao-men and hui-tang. However, other scholar also called Chinese kongsi as secret societies. This had caused much of confusion in the mind of the colonial authorities. The British administration in the Straits Settlements, for example, had been confusing hui-kuan with hui or secret societies until 1892 when it began to draw a clear-cut line between them. Hui or brotherhood is more proper a term to the vehicle of Chinese self-government as it was then the term secret society. The term secret society is all the more misleading for the objection raised by Purcell, whatever the precise implication of secrecy may have been: All Chinese social organization was necessarily secret whilst it was not recognized or was banned by the Government. The Chinese municipal organizations in Borneo, the kongsis, were, and are, referred to as secret societies, as are all Chinese political organization in Siam where they are illegal. Some of the Chinese kongsi in Southeast Asia may have carried over the ritual oath-taking ceremony and even the name of Tien-Ti Hui, they generally evolved from a small partnership, either in commerce or mining. On foundation, they were called hui or union, after which was commonly misused in early colonial days to mean a secret society. Later, when they grew into large organizations with hundreds or thousands of members, they were known as kongsi. The Tien- Ti Hui in Penang was a partnership in origin. In this study, it should be mentioned here that a distinction should be made between the bona fide kongsi which were, and are, benevolent associations, and the dangerous secret societies whose object was extortion and opposition to the law but in these early days it is debatable whether all the associations did not in some measure adopts similar lines of behavior. Europeans have made a distinction between the huis (as the secret societies were called) and the Chinese kongsi, or district or clan associations, labeling the former as secret and subversive, and the latter as open and beneficial. Even thought hui (secret society) is different with kongsi from perceptive of term, but from the social aspects, both associations are formed by overseas Chinese based on dialect group or same family names to look after their members affairs and welfare. As what Blythe mentioned, who writers as follows: This attempt to distinguish between kongsi and hui is quite arbitrary-based, I imagine, on the uninformed writings of early Europeans. For example, the Ghee Hin Society was normally known as the Ghee Hin Kung Si. On the other side, most purely benevolent societies are know as hui, even down to the Tontine type of monthly subscription and monthly draw (Cantonese Ngan Wui). In 1928, I was in charge of Cantonese secret societies work in Singapore, and although these were not of the caliber of the old Triad Societies (we could only average one murder a day), quite a number of these societies (descended from branches of the Triad) were XX kongsi. And, as we know, the normal term for a business partnership or for a coolie-lines is kongsi, The Clan kongsi of Penang are quite unique. They do not exist elsewhere in Malaya. In Chinese usage, Mr. Blythe has concluded that the kongsi are includes hui because this both of the Chinese associations are no distinction is made between good and bad. Blythe also defines kongsi as any partnership or group with a common interest. 1.3 Objective Social and linguistic background and the nature of Chinese immigration determined the form of early Chinese social organizations. The surname differences and a strong sense of regional identity encouraged Chinese immigrants to form their respective surname associations or kongsi. The Chinese kongsi had played a major role in socials and economy in Malaya since the early days of British. However, the role of Chinese kongsi has being change after Penang Riots 1867. The objectives of this study have been first, to describe and analyses the Chinese kongsi activities in Penang between 1820 and 1957 to show how the movement grew and developed in these areas, and later became one mainstreams of the Chinese associations; second, to analyses the responses of various social groups among Chinese community in Penang to the Chinese kongsi, and third, to estimate the importance role of the Chinese kongsi in Penang. This study has been chosen to discuss the problems in terms of politics because politics can be more volatile and more susceptible to radical change. It may not be as deep as social and culture change, nor as fundamental as economic innovation, but I hope to show that similar questions are worth asking about social and economic change and that the answers these produce would provide a sound basis for evaluating the role of the Chinese kongsi in Penang.Nevertheless, this study has not tried to evaluate the quality of Chinese political life in Penang. The significance of this study is to prove and report the role of the Chinese kongsi have been changed between the period of the study. 1.4 Literature review The existing studies cover a wide range of themes including administration, the economy as well as social and political aspects. Even thought many scholar show that various kinds of overseas Chinese organizations set up for purpose of trade, protection and management were not merely copies of earlier form in China, but some have been given much attention; others remain neglected or have not been subjected to fresh critical inquiry. While most historians concentrated on the controlling forces of Chinese secret societies during and after the pre-war period. Although secret societies were not politically inclined and tended to maintain their traditional roles in running protection and extortion rackets. Secret societies, on the other hand, recruited across such barriers and members were bound together by the rituals of sworn brotherhood around a charismatic and semi-mystical head. Being tightly knit and glorifying martial prowess, they were particularly well suited to the task of colonization and self-protection demanded of a pioneering community. Mak Lau Fong observes in his sociological study of secret societies in Peninsular Malaysia: When sworn brotherhood binds Triad membership together, dialect differences are naturally de-emphasized, and the clan system is consigned to a secondary position. For the aspect of the Chinese kongsi origins, the study by M.L Wynne, Wang Tai Peng and W. Blythe is the most comprehensive, and the best account to date. Wang Tai Pengs study, original part of a Ph.D. dissertation, depends heavily on Chinese and Japanese materials in both the Menzies Library and the National Library. The question also led him to consider the historical place of the kongsi, and original political structure based on ideals of brotherhood and partnership, as a Chinese contribution on political practice. Wang Tai Pengs research explaining many obscure aspects of 18th and 19th century history but had developed out of vestiges of social practice which served to meet the alien conditions outside. Wangs study demonstrates that kongsi is the most ingenious type of brotherhood-partnership structure to be used as a system of government anywhere in the world. While Cheng Lim Keak in his study, Reflection on the Changing Roles of Chinese Clan Association in Singapore have discussed the traditional roles of clan associations and the impact of the accelerated social change and the future roles of the associations. However Chengs study is more pay attention to the formation of the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA) and less discuss role of the Chinese kongsi. This is not to say studies of the Chinese kongsi by local researchers have not been up to the mark. Cheah See Kian, one of the earliest local scholars to publish his research on the Chinese politic and history from Chinese aspect, for instance, has looked at the period in terms of the divisive nature of wartime policies and their impact on Chinese community during wartime and the immediate postwar period. Even through Cheah studies is directly link with Chinese history in Penang, but he not really point out relationship and the role between Chinese secret societies and Chinese kongsi. Other studies by local scholars are less comprehensive, more focused in their geographical coverage and the kinds of documents consulted. Several falls more within the realm of local history or regional studies. Lim Gaik Siang in her paper, Khoo Kongsi Clanhouse and Community: Transformation of Social and Spatial Relationships, discussed the implementation of the Rent Control Act to Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi after the Second World War. Lim have point out that with the repeal of Rent Control Act, the tenants are moving out willingly or unwillingly, leaving Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi enclave as a dead heritage. As the living quality was decreasing, many of the Khoo offspring moved out from the shop houses originally built for them, leaving the kinship community to disintegration. With the moving in of people of other surnames, the community was able to sustain its stability, despite its being no longer an exclusive Khoo clan community. The Khoo Kongsi was started in 1835 is most popular Chinese kongsi in Penang, was founders by Khoo Wat Seng, whose descendants were Baba leaders of Penang society, and are still involved with the kongsi. In the mid-1800 the most prominent leader of the Khoo Kongsi was also the leader (Baba) of one of the main secret societies. His name was Khoo Thean Teik, and he was leader of both the Toh Pek Kong or Kien Tek Society, and the Khoo Kongsi. The kongsis extensive landholdings in Air Itam, dating from these days, are named in his honour. In these groupings, whether you call them clubs or kongsi, were both Babas and sinkehs. In 1867, out of a total Penang Chinese population of about 36,000-30,000 belong with either the Kien Tek society or its secret society rival, the Ghee Hin. Meanwhile, Thomas Tan Tsu Wees study has present to readers portraiture of huaqiao (overseas Chinese) life. A few selected part of his study, principally on Singapore, is based on his Ph.D. dissertation. In his book, Your Chinese Roots: The Overseas Chinese Story also struggles against discrimination in the early years, the growth of Chinatowns, and of the many associations like clans and hui kuan that were formed-bringing together fellow Chinese who speak the same dialect, originate from the same district, and who have same dialect. Because of this book in particular examines the major overseas Chinese communities in the Nanyang, and countries a field likes America, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, most of these are insufficient specialized material and country. Thus topics on Chinese emigration, Chinese kongsi, principal institutions and interest of the Chinese kongsis roles have not much pay attention in his study. Barbara E. Wards study of Hakka kongsi in Borneo is another significant contribution to the history of Chinese kongsi. Meanwhile, not much attention has been paid to East Malaysia, although the works of Ooi Keat Gin on Sarawak have looked at this period from the perspective of both colonizers and the colonized, while others have focused on the Kinabalu guerrillas of Sabah. In China the Hakka people form a distinct linguistic group, speaking a dialect which may be described as about mid-way between Cantonese and Mandarin. It is generally held that they originated in Central China and gradually traveled southwards in a series of movements as a result of pressure from the north. Many Hakkas originally moved into Sarawak from Dutch Borneo during the troubled period in the mid-nineteenth century. There they had been agriculturalists and gold-miners, members of self-governing kongsi. The kongsi type of organization existed also in the districts around Bau in Sarawak, but was more elaborately developed on the Dutch side, for which also there exists fuller documentation. As an understanding of present-day social organization demands not only contemporary buy also historical treatment, it has been considered useful to analyses here the kongsi organization as it is described for the gold districts in Dutch West Borneo. The mutual aid organizations of Chinese migrants known as kongsi were also investigated by scholar such as J. J. M. de Groot (1854-1921) and Simon Hartwich Schaank, in particular in relative to the question of their relationship to secret societies. De Groot succeeded G. A. Wilken (1847-91), a former colonial civil servant, as Professor of Anthropology in Leiden, and eventually became Professor of Chinese as Schlegels successor in 1904. He had carried out research in southern China, and had been adviser on Chinese affairs to the government of the Dutch Indies, concerned in particular with Chinese immigrants labourers in Borneo. De Groots theory, the autonomous Chinese village institution embodies the western principle of democracy by a general election of the village head. It also argues that most of the Chinese in the west Borneo came from the countryside of China, and only an insignificant umber of them were from the cities. At the present time the total number of Hakka-speaking Chinese is estimated at something over 16 million concentrated mainly on the borders of Kiangsi, Fukien, and Kwantung. Actually ten hsiens in Kiangsi, eight in Fukien, and 15 in Kwangtung are purely Hakka-speaking. Besides this, Hakkas are to be found living side by side with speakers of different dialects in a hundred and five other oher hsiens, in Kiangsi, Fukien, Kwangtung (including Hainan Island), Kwangsi, Szechwan, Hunan, and Farmosa. In the passed, the cultural and linguistic different between the Hakkas and their neighbors, especially in the mixed areas, led to frequent strife. Hakka-speaking people have migrated overseas in large numbers, particularly to the Nan Yang, which is the Chinese term for the Malay Archipelago. The overseas Hakka come almost exclusively from Fukien and Kwantung, in which province they are to be found mainly in mountainous areas where there is a considerable shortage of land. It is estimated that there are more than two million Hakkas in the Nan Yang. According to the Census Report of 1947 there are 437,407 Hakkas (out of a total of 2,614,667 Chinese) in the Federation of Malaya and the Colony of Singapore. Yen Ching Hwang traces the beginning of large-scale migration of the Chinese into Malaya and describes the social organizations that provided support to the early immigrants in their environment. Dialect and province associations assumed far greater significance in Malaya than they did in China. New leadership emerged in the migrant community. These leaders came from the class of mine-owners, planters, and merchants. Eventually as Yen argues, the nearly Chinese came to be drawn to China-linked nationalism. The arrival of reformists and revolutionaries from China stirred political consciousness among the Chinese in Malaya. This nationalism strengthened the desire of the Chinese in Malaya to preserve their cultural identity. It came at a time too when there was concern at the growing westernization and barbarization of the local Chinese. While V. Purcells, The Chinese in Malaya (London, Oxford University Press, 1948, Reprinted 1967) is comprehensive in its survey of Chinese life in Malaya. Purcells study also is an attempt to give a consecutive account of the Chinese in Malaya and discuss their social politic problem. Similar in nature are Chinese-language studies on the hua chiao in Malaya. There is still no in-depth study of the Chinese kongsi in Penang. Scope of study The period from the 1820 to the 1957 was chosen as the period in these studies for some reason. By 1790, colonial records reflect that the Hung League manifested itself as the Ghee Hin society (kongsi) whiles the Hakka-controlled Hai San society (kongsi) of their own. Hokiens were members of both camps at least until 1840s. It can be suggested that between 1790 till 1820, the Ghee Hin was the main secret society in Penang. But after the establishment of the Hai San, their position was challenged. The 1820s were crucial years as rivalry between the secret societies intensified over their control of labors recruitment. So, the year 1820s were marked a new era of Chinese immigration to Penang. The year 1957 marks the end of the period being studied because after the Japanese occupation the role of the Chinese kongsi in Penang became less important. At the same time, Chinese kongsi faced the biggest challenge when they failed to attracted young generation members. This study focus on the Chinese community in Penang, as the historical subject of the Penang Chinese kongsi, is understandable and legitimate given the following factors that distinguish Penang from many of the other states of Malaysia. Penang was originally part of Kedah, the oldest of all the Malay states. But, after becoming a colony directly ruled by the British, Penangs history is also different from that of the other two Straits Settlements, though all three shared a common political and administrative system for almost a hundred years. In this study have the three political groups will be includes in the research as mentioned by Wang Gungwu. The three political groups are, firstly, Group A which maintains links with the politics of China, either directly or indirectly, and is concerned always to identify with the destiny of China. Group B that consists of the hardheaded and realistic majority of the Chinese who are more concerned with the low-posture and indirect politics of trade and community associations. The vast majority, after all, were already full-fledged Malaysian Citizens. As one Malaysian Chinese writer (Goh Cheng Teik) suggested, the bulk to Chinese in Malaysia were hua yi rather than hua chiao. Their population had stabilized and the born-local component had increased significantly, At the 1947 Census, 62.5% of the Chinese population were tabulated as born in Malaya, compared with 31.2% in 1931. By 1957, the figure had risen to 74.5%. In 1970, it rose further to 86.9%. The most salient fact is that as a result of the abrupt end to immigrant from China in 1942, the generation which was 35 and under 1977, the twentieth year of Merdeka, is virtually 100% local-born. For the Hua Yi, then, normalization of Malaysia-China ties merely formalized an already de facto situation. Its effect in the long run could only be salutary from their point of views since Chinas apparent rejection of them means that allegiance to their country of adoption or birth would by that token become less a matter for public questioning, particularly by groups suspicious of their loyalty to Malaysia. On the other hand, they tend to be smug in their belief that money and organization are the roots of all politics and they have both. As for the third group, Group C, it is a small group often uncertain of itself because it is uncertain of its own identity, but generally committed to some sort of Malayan loyalty. It is a mixed group, consisting of several layers of members ranging from Babas, British Straits Chinese and Malayan nationalists to other with motives of different degrees of dubiousness. Methodology Most of the official documents are in English or Malay, and series is long and continual, while most of the communitys own materials in Chinese became sizeable only since the 1920s. Sadly, materials directly to Penang and the activities of the Chinese before World War II were destroyed when the Penang Secretariat building was bombed in 1945. Individual records of the pre-war committee members were similarly lost either because the families did not keep them or they were destroyed during the war. Luckily published colonial record lodged in the Universiti Sains Malaysia, University of Malaya Library and the National Archives in Kuala Lumpur held annual reports of the Chinese Protectorate. Through interviews with the upper and middle-echelon leaders in the various Chinese-based political parties and some members of the leaders of Chinese kongsi in Penang, I attempt to elicit their views on a range of topics centering on the research questions. Drawing on interviews with important pressmen and politicians from all the Chinese-based political parties and a survey of primary as well as secondary documents, the study will attempt to discuss the phenomena of increasing ethnic Chinese consciousness in the 1900s by focusing on the issue of Chinese kongsi and to a lesser extent Chinese social and culture. The period under survey covers the before and after post-war period. It is specifically related to the resurgence of secret societies at a time when the absence of law and order, the fluidity of the political situation, economic shortages, inflationary prices and low wages provided a fertile environment for the resurgence not only of secret societies but also political parties that were both radical and moderate in nature. In addition, I have try to examine the Chinese vernacular press in its reporting and representation of new and issues of interest and significance to the Chinese kongsi and local Chinese community with the belief that it has considerable influence on Chinese public opinion or at minimum reflects it. Thus the major thrust of my effort is to tap elite perceptions of their own community and its interests in the context of Chinese kongsi and consider the manner this affects Chinese orientations. In this study, I believe that is not more than an exploratory report of the issue since the data collection and interviews have not been as extensive as we had wished. Nevertheless, I hope that it will provide an impetus for further research into this important area of study. This introductory study does not attempt to answer these queries in any comprehensive way. Nor does it intend to respond to the queries directly. Data collection The data will be collected including the mailing of questionnaires, gathering of specimens, and the scheduling of interviews, the research for documents in libraries in specified locations, as well as the recording of differences between two groups of subjects. Beside that, the advances in computer technology now make feasible the first hand collection and analysis of many kinds of data involving events and behavior. A laptop computer will be used to collect and store data and then to generate a variety of tables and reports. Chapter outline In first chapter of this study, I overviewed and acquaint the reader with the topic. In the introduction, I discussed what is the study about the significant of the studies. In addition, five sources of literature review will be taken. For instance, search: journal, major books on the subject, monographs, relevant collection of images or objects, and dissertation. Besides that, I will brief and ought to concentrate on a statement of what the researcher wants to do, why, and how. On top of that, I will add analysis the researches opinion and outcome of their research. Since the structure and organization are geared to the purposes and aims of the Chinese kongsi, any understanding or analysis of the first aspect would be impossible without knowledge of the Chinese kongsis background. In chapter 2, the background of the Chinese kongsi in Penang from the years 1820-1860s will be discussed. Then, I will examine the development of the heterogeneous Penang Chinese community, along with the conjuncture between the British and Chinese communities whose leaders competed for control of this urban settlement. I will discuss about the kapitan system in this chapter. With immigrants coming from all over the region and from India and China, by the mid-19th century Penang had a mixed and fluctuating population, over which the authorities could exert little control. In the meantime, I will explore the revitalization of Penang Chinese kongsi system but also investigate the continuities and enduring structures that make kongsi an important vehicle for identity maintenance. Besides that, I also focus on events of the Chinese kongsi that draw the community together. The political of Penang Chinese kongsi system as a structure cosmology, a form of Chinese social status, and a social process will be considered. In chapter 3, I will investigate the dialogue between these two communities-both seeking to localize their own nations of propriety, authority, and sociality through the analysis of the 1867 Penang Riots, Ordinance 1869, 1882 and 1890. In chapter 4 and 5, I will attempt equally to show how much the role of the Chinese kongsi in Penang have changed and are changing before and after the Japanese occupation. While I also will discuss in deep about the challenge of Chinese kongsi until the years 1957 in this chapter. The last chapter (chapter 6) will be my conclusion. 1.7.1 Chapter outline Chapter 1: Introduction Significant of study Objectives Literature Reviews Scope of study Methodology Chapter Outline Conclusion Chapter 2: The Genesis of the Chinese Kongsi Movement 2.1 Distribution of Chinese Population in Penang after 1820 2.2 Kapitan and Kongsi System 2.3 The Emergence of the Chinese Kongsi in Penang 2.4 The Competition among Chinese Groups in Penang, 1830s-1860s 2.5 Conclusion Chapter 3: A Period of Change 3.1 The Penang Riots 1867 3.2 Societies Ordinance and the Significance/Effect to the Kongsi Movement 3.2.1 The XIX 1869 Ordinance 3.2.2 Ordinance IV 1882 3.2.3 Societies Ordinance 1889 3.3 Conclusion Chapter 4: The Chinese Kongsi before the Japanese Occupation 4.1 Religion 4.2 Charity 4.3 Literature 4.4 Conclusion Chapter 5: The New Chinese Kongsi after the Japanese Occupation 5.1 New Chinese Kongsi systems 5.2 The Socioeconomic Position of the Chinese Kongsi 5.3 Education and Culture 5.4 The impact of the Chinese Kongsi 5.4.1 Ownership, Control, and Participation in the Corporate Sector 5.4.2 The Socio-economic Position of Chinese Kongsi 5.4.3 The Depression and its Impact 5.5 Conclusion Chapter 6: Conclusion Conclusion The Chinese, being the largest ethnic group in the city since 1788, was, like other immigrant communities, allowed to administer their own affairs through their headmen in the first 25 years of the colonys history. By 1867, after countless riots fuelled by the Chinese secret societies, the colonial administration felt that it was necessary, among the other entire problem, to curtail the abuse of newly arrived immigrants. This was achieved by setting up the office of a Chinese Protector. A society was often virtually synonymous with a kongsi, and most hui were wealthy because the members included successful businessmen. Because of the recruitment, sometimes forcible, of all new arrivals into one of the secret societies, they gained a dominant position in most areas where Chinese settled. While they could provide the migrant with assistance in a strange land, they could equally demand his services in any capacity, particularly in the recurring conflicts with rival societies. During the colonial era, the Chinese in Penang were largely left to their own devices. In a situation where Chinese society was divided along the lines of bang, the need for social control, mediation, religious worship and welfare services was largely met by voluntary organizations within each bang. Chinese voluntary organizations are of many types and each type bang. Broadly, the Chinese associations can be classified into six main types, namely, locally/dialect; clan / surname; trade/ occupational; mutual help; recreational/ cultural/ athletic/ alumni; and religious. During the major part of the nineteenth century, Chinese social life was under the strong influence of the secret societies. It is believed that the bang leaders were then often associated with the secret societies, a situation which had long hampered the proper functioning of the voluntary associations. After the outlawing of the secret societies in 1890, there was a mushrooming of voluntary associations which continued until 1941. During the Japanese Occupation (1942-45), all the Chinese associations either ceased operation or were dissolved. After the war, most of the associations resumed their functions, while new associations were formed. All Chinese associations are in a state of rapid transformation. Different associations have different problems of survival. However, much of their future will depend on their ability to adapt to change which, in turn, depends on two variables, namely, government policy, and the financial position and leadership of the association concerned. Social changes over the years have prompted the government to make repeated calls to the Chinese associations to change and extend their roles so as to meet the changing challenges. In Penang, Chinese with the surnames of Khoo, Cheah, Lim, Tan and Yeoh, the five predominant surnames there, unite to form the Fuchien Kong See (Company). As for the pang society of men from Kuang-tung, they compose large group of fellow provincials, such as Huin-ning Association, Kuang-chao Associations and Kuang-tung Associations. These organizations of fellow provincials and jee she (surname) societies have cemeteries, school, hospital, clubs and recreational and amusement facilities. In summary, there is no doubt about the significance of the emergence of the Chinese kongsi and its impact on clan association movement. Whereas the kongsihas been emerged to be the prime mover for Chinese culture and traditions, many clan associations have in turn responded positively to the kongsiscall or invitations to participate in large-scale celebrations. In this respect, the kongsihas played the important coordinating role. Despite the new developments, most of the clan associations still remain inactive. In the face of continuing rapid social change, clan associations are still adjusting themselves so that they may remain relevant. The Chinese kongsi continued to survive, albeit this time with new challenges, pressures from the government policy, for examples, became one of the reasons why Chinese kongsi in Penang were active in religion and intellectually. I will try to argue that it is the particular aspects of Penangs history from Chinese secret societies to Chinese kongsi that have made Penang a unique interstice of socio-cultural transformations. An important role of the Chinese kongsi in Penang, that uniqueness lies in the diversity of ways the people of Penang have lived out their lives. Recovering the past it is a process of contestations. But, recovering the past, in all its fractious diversity, through the different voices of those who have lived in Penang throughout its history, is a necessary route through which those living in Penang today can re-establish their links with the material, as well as living, heritage of earlier generations in Penang. In the end of the research, I believe that it will represents no more than an exploratory report of the issue since the data collection and interviews have not been as extensive as I had wished. Nevertheless, I hope that it will provide an impetus for further research into this important area of study.

Solving Transportation Method And Linear Programming Essay

INTRODUCTION 1.1 Main Idea Web site for solving transportation method in linear programming. Transportation method mostly needed in mathematics and economy. The algorithms for solving the problem are based on this matrix representation. My aim will be finding optimal solution of the transportation problem. In the term linear programming, programming refers to mathematical programming. In this context, it refers to a planning process that allocates resources—labor, materials, machines, capital—in the best possible (optimal) way so that costs are minimized or profits are maximized. In LP, these resources are known as decision variables. The criterion for selecting the best values of the decision variables (e.g., to maximize profits or minimize costs) is known as the objective function. Limitations on resource availability form what is known as a constraint set. One of the most important and successful applications of quantitative analysis to solving business problems has been in the physical distribution of products, commonly referred to as transportation problems. Basically, the purpose is to minimize the cost of shipping goods from one location to another so that the needs of each arrival area are met and every shipping location operates within its capacity. However, quantitative analysis has been used for many problems other than the physical distribution of goods. For example, it has been used to efficiently place employees at certain jobs within anShow MoreRelatedTransportation Problems1195 Words   |  5 PagesCase Study on Transportation Problem 12/15/2010 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First and foremost, we would like to thank to our mentor, Dr. G.N. Patel for his valuable guidance and advice throughout the project. Without his support and guidance, this report would not have been possible. 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Based on [Cornell University] (2017) The Operation Research defines as â€Å"applied scientific method to the management of organized systems in business, industry, government and other enterprises† The Opeartion research problem solves by many ways by using some of the methods and these are some of them Linear programming, Network programming, Decision theory, QueueingRead MoreThe Biofuel And Biomass Industry1540 Words   |  7 Pagesefficiency, minimize the total cost, and risk awareness for decision making process using Mixed Integer Programming models. The biofuel is derived from various sources such as energy crops, oil waste, animal waste and forest residues. Mixed-integer programming models are developed in each case to find the optimal solution. This paper discusses about the prime location of the facility, transportation network, and development of the biofuel supply chain network. 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A simple exchange of niceties Free Essays

A simple exchange of niceties An insecure, pregnant, presumably young woman, who finds a certain security in a bench – that is what the short story, A simple exchange of niceties, written by the author Joanne Feeder, is about. The narrator makes everything depend on how the bench defines her and what it brings to her life. When it is occupied, she walks past it and accepts it. We will write a custom essay sample on A simple exchange of niceties or any similar topic only for you Order Now When it is not, she feels as if it is hers entirely and gets annoyed when other people come and sit next to her. So the day that someone does sit next to her, and not only that, but also talks to her about their problems, she again lets the bench decide err fate and destiny. The Story is written in first person narrator’s point Of view. The narrator is a presumably young girl, who got pregnant. She did not plan her pregnancy. She is a very insecure girl, who throughout the story uses a lot of negative language towards herself. In general her language is very young, informal and very much spoken language. She uses terms like â€Å"to be scraped out of me† (page 1 line 5) â€Å"it was a bucking cigarette that got me into this mess at the first place† (page 2 line 51) when talking about her future abortion and how smoking is bad for a pregnant woman. The story is filled with her thoughts and inputs such as â€Å"Did it look like didn’t mind† (page 2 line 72). This makes the readers get a more personal connection with the narrator, since not only her situation, but also her thoughts about it are explained. That the narrator is insecure is showed during the story. How the guy she got pregnant with and her best friend, Barbie, calls her a trashy where and she just accepts it. She has no opinion of her own. This may have started with her bad relationship with her mother. She feels unloved by her mother, feels as if she were a mistake that should have never been born. She feels she is someone who would never go anywhere in life, someone who could never accomplish anything. Again she is very hard on her insecure self, never even asking the mother if this was the actual case. The narrator does not like other people, is shy and afraid of sharing her bench. The bench is her safe place, something that is always there, almost like a friend she has. The bench might stand for how she is afraid to share intimacy. The intimacy of sharing a bench, sitting next to each other and having a conversation. The intimacy of sharing a relationship. Whenever money sets next to her on what she sees as â€Å"her bench†, she gets upset and feels like her personal space has been invaded. In the text she explains how she does not mind sharing, it is not that, she just wants to have an exchange of niceties and that is it. It’s not that I don’t like sharing. I’d give anyone the shirt off my back or the food off my plate†¦ I just like to be consulted first† (page 1 line 20). But how can she not be okay with sharing her bench, when she is okay with sharing other stuff? Even with the exchange of niceties, she still gets annoyed and feels invaded of her personal space. But as she meets the other woman in the story, this chang es. She is annoyed at the beginning. We hear about all her prejudices, such as how the other woman is drinking from a water bottle and how the narrator finds this pretentious. Again the need to be alone shows, she is trying to avoid the woman’s crying and sharing of personal problems. But the woman’s problem affects the narrator. They are similar. They both have an obsessive relationship with that particular bench. They both feel it’s their own. But beyond that, they are opposites. She is going through the beginning of an unwanted pregnancy while the other woman has en trying to conceive for years. Hearing these problems on the bench seem to affect her, because she gets the idea to â€Å"share† her baby -? or rather give it away to the other woman. She wants to do something nice, and since she does not want it anyway, why not give it to someone who wants it very much? For the first time, she could do something with a purpose and it was because of what she experienced on her dear bench. â€Å"It was the first time I ever thought about coincidence and fate and all that stuff; you know, where all the pieces just fall together† (page 4 line 35) – she explains how she never thought about fate before, when in reality she had always been letting the bench decide for her, letting the bench be there for here. And this was no different. As she carried the child to term, she never saw the other woman again. But it did not really matter; she had started to grow maternal love for her unborn child. â€Å"I was never tempted, not even once, to spend it on myself’ (page 5 line 165) she explains when talking about how her mother sent her money for the child. Her fate was now to keep it, for the child to be hers. The moment on he bench had changed her fate about aborting it. But the fact that she never met the other woman again changed her fate again -? she was now meant to keep it. After she has giving birth, she is at the hospital with her mother. It is the happiest we hear her being throughout the entire text, so being on the bench that day really changed her life. But maybe now she would not need to visit it so often? Her messy life might still be messy, but in the end of the story, she has a lot of different people to also rely on to be friends, to be the one that waits for her when no one else does. She is not so lonely anymore. How to cite A simple exchange of niceties, Papers

Increase In The Emission Greenhouse Gas †Myassignmenthelp.Com

Question: Discuss About The Increase In The Emission Greenhouse Gas? Answer: Introducation The opus of the global atmospheric and impact of climate stability has been altered by the increase in the emission of the greenhouse gas. Also, climate change has highly been affected by the food sector, since, its production lead to a large share of the anthropogenic emissions. The olive oil industry, in particular, the extra virgin olive oil (EVOO) is highly exported in Europe. Its general manufacturing process is hazardous if not taken care off. The research aimed at evaluating the GHG emissions and energy consumption associated with production of EVOO, produced in Perugia (Petak, 2013). The approach followed was a cradle- to- grave. End results were useful in identification of strategies for mitigation of GHG emission. Activities like field operations, fertilization and soil management, were considered in the agricultural phase of the olive oil production. The EVOO production undergoes the following process cultivation of the olive tree entailing mowing, fertilization, pest and disease control, pruning and harvesting; production of EVOO that is transport of raw materials to the mill, loading, de-branches, milling extraction, spreading of coproducts, cleaning the machines, bottling and freezing; packaging, distribution and the final disposal. In addition, technical solutions were implemented so as to reduce energy consumptions and GHG emissions. For instance, transport system was improved as air crafts were used to transport the EVOO bottles (GISKey Environmental Data Management System, 2014). Hence, methodologies applied like the LCA, orchard fertilization, use of lighter bottles, ammonia as a coolant among others was aimed at ensuring that the effects of the GHG emissions to the environment are mitigated, and its benefits maximized. A continuous upward trend characterizes the production of olive oil. Olives are the raw materials that result in the production of olive oil. Also, olivepomace oil is used for dietary purposes, cosmetics, soap manufacturing and bio-diesel production is from a byproduct extracted from olive production process called pomace. Cultivation of olive trees has been greatly intensified in Spain resulting in the prompt increase of the production oil in 2010 to nearly 1.3 million tons. A sequence of activities are involved in the process of olive oil manufacturing, like, olives reception, cleaning of impurities, using water to wash, olives being crushed, paste malaxation, extraction of olive oil, final centrifuging, storing, filtering and bottling. Traditionally, the process was carried out through pressing, unlike today where the centrifugal process is applied resulting to three by products: olive oil that is mixed with water for further centrifuging; wastewater; solid waste. The two-phase decanters for olive oil production were more applicable and environmentally friendly as it had two by products. Thus, having it characterized by high humidity compared to the three phase. Pomace from both phases is conveyed to the facilities of olive- pomace oil. Oil from olive-pomace undergoes the following procedure: receiving and storing fresh pomace, drying the pomace, dry pomace extraction, distillation, hexane-water concentration and its separation and the final storage of the oil. Another product produced is pomace wood. The research aims at recording and evaluating current practices in Greece so as to treat solid and water waste obtained from the oil processing industry of olive, so as to add value to the process by uncovering the opportunities through potential valorization derived from waste streams and waste treatment. A four step method was used which entails: secondary collection of data amongst active companies of Greek involved in the field of production of olive-pomace oil or olive; primary data collection relating to waste water and waste applied methods of treatment in Greece done through visiting industries, questionnaires, official documents and telephone communication; recording the data collected; currently applied methods evaluation for wastewater and waste treatment generated from the Greek industries of olive oil processing. Current methods applied in Greece for waste treatment are oil collection sedimentation, acidity neutralization, and disposal the open of operation ponds (Calow, 2011). Application of more advanced treatment methods results in better protection of the environment and additional benefits like bioenergy. Also, in valorization and solid waste management are a waste product in one industry is used as a raw material in another, thus, protecting the environment. In an overview of both articles, the methods employed to curb the effects; GHG emissions and the wastes from olive oil or pomace industries were essential as it ensured the utilization of waste products and the reduction of their harmful effects through proper treatment, thereby, leading to economic upgrade and the protection of the environment. Reference list Calow, P. (2011). Environmental management. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. GISKey Environmental Data Management System. (2014). [Washington, D.C.?]: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Superfund Innovative Technology Evaluation. Petak, W. (2013). Environmental management: A system approach. Environmental Management, [online] 5(3), pp.213-224. Available at: https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01873280 [Accessed 15 Aug. 2017]. Sej-Kolasa, M. (2010). AN ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT SYSTEM AS AN INFORMATION SYSTEM. Economics Sociology, [online] 3(1a), pp.101-118. Available at: https://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2010/3-1a/8 [Accessed 15 Aug. 2017].

Andrea Del Sarto and My Last Duchess free essay sample

It is interesting how to poems from the same author can present the same themes in such different ways. We will be comparing, Browning’s â€Å"Andrea Del Sarto† and â€Å"My Last Duchess†. There are two topics that have important roles in both poems; these are art and the role of woman. Browning shows us women in very different roles in these two poems. He also presents art in both poems from different points of view. In â€Å"My Last Duchess† women’s role is of a free person; the king treats his duchess as a possession and when he thinks he can’t control her he simply kills her. We see that the duchess is kind of a free spirit and that she gets killed just because she is independent from the duke, which made him jealous and made him think she was cheating on him. On â€Å"Andrea Del Sarto† we have a complete different attitude from man towards woman. We will write a custom essay sample on Andrea Del Sarto and My Last Duchess or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Lucrezia is the one in control of the situation and Andrea seems to accept whatever she decides. In this poem man takes the traditional role of woman in the sense that man is usually the one that gives the orders but in this poem man does whatever his wife tells. We also see that Andrea is the one who has to put up with his wife’s infidelity and not the other way around like the situation is usually portrayed. We can see this in the following quote: Love, does that please you? Ah, but what does he, The Cousin! what does he to please you more? I am grown peaceful as old age to-night. I regret little, I would change still less. (Browning, Andrea Del Sarto) In both poems the female character is liberal and this bothers the male figures the most fundamental difference is the way man reacts to this attitude. We can see that Andrea is really tolerating also in the past quote. In contrast we can see how the Duke treated the Duchess like a possession: â€Å"Much the same smile? This grew; I gave commands; Then all smiles stopped together. There she stands As if alive. Will’t please you rise? We’ll meet† (Browning, My Last Duchess) Where the phrase â€Å"I gave commands† means he ordered to kill her. In both poems we can see that the art theme is also present. In â€Å"My Last Duchess† art is seen from a spectator but in â€Å"Andrea Del Sarto† the painter is the one talking about art. In â€Å"Andrea Del Sarto† we can see a deeper and more profound look at art, Andrea talks about the inspiration and detail while in â€Å"My last Duchess† art is only mentioned lightly it focuses more on the person in the painting than the act of painting. In conclusion the role of female is somewhat similar in both stories the main difference is the reaction of male figures towards that role. Art plays an important role in both stories in â€Å"My Last Duchess† the duchess is killed and portrayed as art through a painting but in â€Å"Andrea Del Sarto† it is art that keeps Lucrezia alive.

Facts and Geography of Honduras

Facts and Geography of Honduras Honduras is a country located in Central America on the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. It is bordered by Guatemala, Nicaragua and El Salvador and has a population of just under eight million. Honduras is considered a developing nation and it is the second poorest country in Central America. History of Honduras Honduras has been inhabited for centuries by various native tribes. The largest and most developed of these were the Mayans. European contact with the area began in 1502 when Christopher Columbus claimed the region and named it Honduras (depths in Spanish) because the coastal waters surrounding the lands were very deep. In 1523, Europeans began to further explore Honduras when Gil Gonzales de Avila entered the then-Spanish territory. A year later, Cristobal de Olid established the colony of Triunfo de la Cruz on behalf of Hernan Cortes. Olid however, tried to establish an independent government and he was later assassinated. Cortes then formed his own government in the city of Trujillo. Shortly thereafter, Honduras became a part of the Captaincy General of Guatemala.Throughout the mid-1500s, native Hondurans worked to resist Spanish exploration and control of the region but after several battles, Spain took control of the area. Spanish rule over Honduras lasted until 1821 when the country gained its independence. Following its independence from Spain, Honduras was briefly under the control of Mexico. In 1823, Honduras joined the United Provinces of Central America federation which later collapsed in 1838.During the 1900s, Hondurass economy was centered on agriculture and particularly on United State s-based companies that formed plantations throughout the country. As a result, the countrys politics were focused on ways to maintain the relationship with the U.S. and keep foreign investments.With the onset of the Great Depression in the 1930s, Hondurass economy began to suffer and from that time until 1948, the authoritarian General Tiburcio Carias Andino controlled the country. In 1955, a government overthrow occurred and in 1957, Honduras had its first elections. However, in 1963, a coup took place and the military again ruled the country throughout much of the later 1900s. During this time, Honduras experience instability.From 1975 to 1978 and from 1978 to 1982, Generals Melgar Castro and Paz Garcia ruled Honduras, during which time, the country grew economically and developed much of its modern infrastructure. Throughout the rest of the 1980s and into the 1990s and 2000s, Honduras experienced seven democratic elections and in 1982, it developed its modern constitution. Government After more instability in the later 2000s, Honduras today considered a democratic constitutional republic. The executive branch is made up of the chief of state and the head of state - both of which are filled by the president. The legislative branch is comprised of the unicameral Congress of Congreso Nacional and the judicial branch is made up of the Supreme Court of Justice. Honduras is divided into 18 departments for local administration. Economics and Land Use Honduras is the second poorest country in Central America and has a highly uneven distribution of income. Most of the economy is based on exports. The largest agricultural exports from Honduras are bananas, coffee, citrus, corn, African palm, beef, timber shrimp, tilapia and lobster. Industrial products include sugar, coffee, textiles, clothing, wood products, and cigars. Geography and Climate Honduras is located in Central America along the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Oceans Gulf of Fonseca. Since it is located in Central America, the country has a subtropical climate throughout its lowlands and coastal areas. Honduras has a mountainous interior which has a temperate climate. Honduras is also prone to natural disasters like hurricanes, tropical storms, and flooding. For example, in 1998, Hurricane Mitch destroyed much of the country and wiped out 70% of its crops, 70-80% of its transportation infrastructure, 33,000 homes and killed 5,000 people. In addition in 2008, Honduras experienced severe flooding and almost half of its roads were destroyed. Facts Population: 7,989,415 (July 2010 estimate)Capital: TegucigalpaBordering Countries: Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El SalvadorLand Area: 43,594 square miles (112,909 sq km)Coastline: 509 miles (820 km)Highest Point: Cerro Las Minas at 9,416 feet (2,870 m)

Operations and Enterprise Resource Planning Essay

Operations and Enterprise Resource Planning - Essay Example In the present day organization, SAP has taken the centre stage in the current technology revolution and the development of innovations. That is essential in aiding various beneficiaries to run at their best, as well as, improving the lives of individuals all over. This has been through the incorporation of separate systems to be in charge of core business wishes. Therefore, SAP R/3 and SAP ERP are completely integrated synchronized business systems that enable Kids in Asia charity organization, eliminate inconsistencies in sub-systems. With regard to this charity organization, SAP will enhance insight and productivity. Under improving productivity, data inputs are done once; there will be a lack of sub-systems necessary for verifying and consolidating, and data sharing in the organization will be easy through emails and internal messages. Next, the SAP system will significantly reduce risks since it has been successful with a number of organizations. Subsequently, SAP will minimize costs through increasing productivity. As a means of improving efficiency, process standardization, and adaptability, SAP broadens its business eco-system through extrapolating collaborative, information, and transaction functions. Finally, SAP will enable alignment of operations and strategies. Reason being, prior to the adoption of SAP, a vigorous analysis occurs to rectify any possible complications (Benefit of Using SAP for your Business , 2012). There are different reasons for the existence of the need to improve any given supply chain. However, a stiff integration among the suppliers can only improve the general success of a given organization that is majorly dependent on excellent services to its beneficiaries. The use of supply chain management by the Kids of Asia charity organization will be essential in managing the provision of the greatly needed aid to the needy kids. Supply Chain Management of Sap is likely to enable the given

Casual Factors Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Casual Factors - Essay Example mer includes such factors as genetic disposition and peri-natal conditioning, chemical imbalances, damages to the central nervous system, etc., while the latter includes such factors as schooling system, family and other cultural aspects. The remainder of this essay will foray into ways of identifying these factors, their consequences, and ways of mitigating them (Dodge, 1993) Emotional disorders caused by family can take several shapes. For example, a child that is constantly exposed to domestic violence, sexual abuse, excessive insults, constant poverty and loss of a parent can develop symptoms related to anxiety and depressive disorders. Some tell-tale signs of family-induced psychological disorders are: an introverted personality, academic underperformance, poor social skills, juvenile delinquency, etc. Recognizing early signs can be difficult as the affected children can assume a normal external disposition (Dodge, 1993). Usually, the underlying problem comes to light only after a traumatic episode. Nevertheless, child counselors can play a significant role in remedying some of the emotional and behavioral patterns through application of such techniques as Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT), Primal Therapy, etc. Medications such as lithium, Buspirone, Fluoxetine, Bupropion, etc. can also be useful but have to be used with caution. Also, medications d on’t provide permanent cure but only temporary symptomatic relief. Hence, a prolonged counseling regime to change negative cognitive and behavior patterns is the most efficacious of the treatment options (Stewart, 1999). Emotional disturbances that are caused by an unsuitable school environment are similar to those that are caused by chaotic family circumstances. Inappropriate corporal punishments, bullying by peers, lack of proper attention from teachers, etc., can make the child feel sad and lonely. The child is also likely to experience feelings of guilt and worthlessness. The afflicted child

Organizational Governance Analysis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Organizational Governance Analysis - Essay Example At departmental levels, decisions are mandatory and all departments need to make decisions which are oriented to the vision, mission and general objectives of the organization. The governance of an organization bears on organizational culture which may be construed to refer to attitudes, values and beliefs which are shared by the people constituting a particular organization. Alternatively, organizational culture may be seen to refer to both the norms, principles and standards that guide individual behavior in an organization thereby controlling the way individuals and groups of people within the organization interact with one another and with other stakeholders that are found out of the active running of the organization (Hill and Jones, 2001). The governing body not only gives direction to organization through decision making but also initiate a permanent organizational culture (Huse, 2009). This paper seeks to highlight the general concept of organizational governance paying empha sis to the good and bad organizational governance practices. This is achieved through an analysis of an organization thereby giving its strengths and weaknesses as far as governance is concerned. Organizational governance may be defined as the processes, Policies, and structures which an organization puts to use so as to not only gain direct control of the organizational activities but also realize organizational objectives and also protect the interest of the entire shareholder population and the society as a whole. The processes, Policies, and structures distinct of organizational governance enhance the handling of the interests of the shareholders and society in such a way that is based on the most appropriate moral and ethical standards. Another way of terming the words in the foregoing paragraph is that the function of organizational governance is basically the leadership function in an organization which offers direction within an organization manages risk and controls all the organizational activities. Based on this submission, the organizational governance can then be termed as a function which enables the organization to: Comply with societal legal and regulatory rules Comply with the accepted business norms, ethics and meet the general societal social expectations of the organization. Benefit the society at the same time enhancing the interests of the stakeholders Report completely and honestly to not only its owners but also its regulators, stakeholders, and the general public in a bid to ensure responsibility for its conduct, decisions and performance Successful organizational governance requires that there exists synergy among its basic functions of its governing body. The governing body of an organization is made up of the board of governors, the management, the internal auditors and the external auditors. If synergy among these four organs of organizational governance exists, then the result is a well performing and efficient organization. The board of governor's responsibility is that it sets a governing and managing tone at the top. Being the focal point of all management activities in the organization it ensures ultimate accountability at every level of the organization and oversees all the organizational activities without necessarily managing them directly (Pointer & Orlikoff, 2002). The management is divided into two;

Corruption In Health Care

Corruption In Health Care Our optimism is derived not from theory but from our day-to-day work, which ranges from health policy leadership roles to the management of an academic integrated delivery system to hands-on patient care. From this work, we have a frontline view of the good that an organization can produce, but also the inefficiency, missed opportunities, confusion, and occasional harm that cycles the working of a health care organization [2]. While working for a long year within a government organization in the country of India, I came across many wrongs that I could lay account for, which are quite evidently the root cause for poor healthcare within India. Corruption the taboo that infests Indian mainstream medicine, from the physicians to the lowly staff fall prey to this unethical practice. Her life and death expectancy are not measured through the seriousness of the patients health but the way in which he can satisfy the insatiable corruption around. The biggest killer in India today is not the mosquito, population, poverty, not tobacco, and certainly not the polio bacterium despite the disproportionate effort spent on eradicating it, it is corruption. To make it sound more technical and acceptable to the medical profession perhaps we need to label it. Coruptionoma, which may in the future lead to a global epidemic threat [1]. Today in India where scientist claim to have sent men to the moon polio is still common in existence, somewhere a child dies every minute of every day from diarrhea or due to lack of basic care and every 6 minutes a woman dies from pregnancy related causes (official GoI figures). Infant female feticide is increasingly observed in wealthier districts with high literacy rates. Road traffic accidents in Delhi and Mumbai alone are of epidemic proportions. It is a myth that high technology and costly medicine are the best ways to treat a patient and bring health reforms, it is easily achievable through age old ways readily available then why are the above problems not catered to and still spreading at an alarming rate? It is the disease of corruption that makes managing a health practice impossible. 2. CORRUPTION in Health Care While working as a resident medical officer at a government hospital in India I faced innumerous issues in the management but the issue that was commonly causing chaos is corruption. Corruption comes evident in various forms and puts the whole effort of providing good service or trying to salvage the oath taken in service of our patients. The things I have personally experienced working in an Indian public hospital for over a period of one year is that the life expectancy of a person depends on the financial background of the person. The fact that women in labor die due to late arrival of ambulances and un operational equipments Adulterated drugs proliferate because high level politicians who encourage or protect the people who sell them. Doctors dont attend place of work despite drawing a wage from the Government. Large amount of medicine wasting before reaching the point of use. Unwillingness amongst underpaid staff who either sit on months of strike for their appraisals or either find under table ways of moving their files. Unavailability of clean water and hygienic environments resulting in filthy hospitals due to lack of accountability and supervision. Issuing of licenses to service providers and manufacturers who are incapable but willing to pay high bribes. Negligence in documentations in departments and usage of illegal means to alter information for self benefit. Power breakdowns compromise the safety of hospitals due to surging charges and lack of government help. Officials elected for the purpose of recuperating the health conditions neglect their sole purpose are busy catering to their political scandals and filling their pockets by the power of their seat. Unnecessary drug prescribing by doctors making practice a means of advertisement for scrupulous pharmaceutical companies. Under the desk payments demanded from patients by everyone for the watchman to the doctor. Buildings constructed at inappropriate sites to please politicians and others, discouraging proper use. Staff wanting to make their private practices look more efficient than the public sector caters to theft and sabotage of instruments. Favoritism and relational influences give opportunities to the undeserving candidates for higher post and even educational sponsorships. Loved ones are made to pay bribes to provide loved ones with immediate medical care due to unethical working standards. [[1], edited based on true personal experience] Corruption In Its Various Forms 3. FINANCIAL Management Corruption Corruption is seen in every aspect of healthcare mainly financial management of the organization. In a recent report in an Indian daily Indians pay bribes worth Rs 2,728 cr (equivalent to approximately US$570m annually), the report finds that the public sectors surveyed the health and education sectors were the most corrupt [2]. Factors contributing to financial corruption: Low Wages for Public servants Low Wages, Poor patterns of incentives and bad working environment relates to the capacity of an organization to attract and retain honest, skilled and motivated staff in a long term similarly, low wages in the public sector are likely to attract less qualified, poorly motivated and potentially disloyal staff, resulting in an opaque, inefficient and potentially corrupt staff. Informal fees Of course, like unofficial fees, are not official nevertheless, developed like more of a practice. The underpaid officials and underlying poverty influence the practitioners to fill their pockets by unofficial fees [5]. In my experience Low wages is a greater public tolerance for corrupt practices when the worker incomes are insufficient for living the working environment is intolerable with bleak chances of improvement due to the already existent corruption at the political and higher regions [4]. The existent salaries perceived as unfair in comparison to private sector salaries. Thus subsistence strategy or survival technique that compensate for inequitable working conditions and hardships faced economically make the demanding of under counter money or accepting bribes for poorly paid staff. Illiteracy amongst masses The common story amongst people of developing nations is the lack of knowledge and self righteousness. Though the government acts in favor of free medical camps and health coverage the poor due to their lack of awareness fall prey to corruption where they pay for the rights freely available to them at public hospitals. Free vaccinations for polio, medical camps in rural areas and treatments for HIV/AIDS, tuberculoses, cancer and movements to eradicate malaria have been readily undertaken by the government, but illiteracy amongst the rural and lower sectors (i.e. working class) leads to corruption and future diminishing health conditions. Lack of funds The public hospitals rely on government funds or fund raising events which hardly keep pace with the fast growing health sector. The increase in technology has levied a burden on the feeless hospital where the promised care cannot be delivered due to aging population and increasing diseases. The only way in which the organization avoids complete shutdown is by compromising in the health care by using obsolete technology and unmaintained hospitals with inexperienced staff working in unhygienic conditions. Leading to lesser scope of modernization or remodeling facilities to provide better health care. This situation also provokes the organizations to remove their staff for balancing their financial need causing a setback in the prosperity of the nation. 4. How can the financial management corruption be dealt with? Changes in accounting systems Health systems require clear and simple accounting and procurement standards based on legal framework that encourages transparency participation and due timeliness. An effective supervision and auditing systems is essential in improving the over sightedness that is the root cause to loop holes in an organization and ensure effective enforcement of rules that punish misconduct. Budget transparency Transparency accounts for practices and expenditures to be open to public and legislative involving scrutiny and that civil society at all stages of budget formulation, execution and reporting [8]. Budget transparency requires an information system that produces timely, reliable and accurate information in order to hold public officials accountable for the use of allocated resources. Decentralization Decentralization is a favored strategy with a view to enabling broader public participation and improves technical as well as allocation efficiency, involving public in the decision marketing process and enhancing the responsiveness of the health system. Research indicates that in poorer countries, higher fiscal decentralization is associated with lower mortality rates and improved health outcomes even in high corruption environments [9]. Privatization in health sector The lack of accountability arises when institutions are weak public funds is low, privatization of health services can be seen as an alternative method of improving the quality and effectiveness of health services. Privatization limits the powers of the public officials and thus their opportunities of influencing bribery and corruption. Monitoring the quality, reliability and cost-effectiveness of private care and treatments, ensures access to quality health services to the needy and also prevents abuse of the resources. Managing the rates of medicines in private by the displaced informal payments would make a mere difference in public and private care. Resource management Tracking the supply demand chain and eliminating the middle men who add to the price of medicines and also influence illegal bribery. Encouraging the tracking the level of stock and recording the expiry of medicines which may harm the patients health. Keeping distributions flow constant and eliminating the unused and outdated stock rather than black marketing supplies for personal gain. 5. Drug Management Corruption The corruption in drug management affects the price, availability and quality of drugs, undermining safe and affordable access to essential medicine in many developing countries mainly India. Due to the complexity, in the opaque system of health services influenced by large flows of money involved, forge fraud and corruption at all points of the organizational chain, from the registration at hospitals to the admissions and selection of medical treatment and distribution to the promotion of medicines. This is likely to have a long term impact on health and economic outcomes especially the health census of a developing nation [3]. The factors influencing drug corruption Availability The drug procurement and pharmaceutical expenditure constitute a large part of the health care budget after salary expenditure. More than 20 to 50 % of the funds are promised for making drug available at affordable prices and thus indicating a growth in health care standards. [6] Corruption in procurement and distribution of pharmaceutical and medical supplies reduces access to essential medicines; doctors prescribe medicines on basis of the cut they are offered by the pharmaceuticals. The vulnerable groups thus fall victim to shortage of the facilities and healthcare. Inadequate provision of drug and medical supplies has a direct bearing on the performance of the organization. Registrations and legalities The market approval of the production and distribution sector is highly influenced on the bribes that the companies offer to pay than the adequacy neither capability of the company nor the potency of the drug. It is a regulatory decision of the political bodies concerning the health sector to allow a medicine to be marketed in a given country. Compliance with regulations elongates the period of drug licensing, accreditation and approvals can prove costly for pharmaceutical companies wanting to launch a new product. Some of them may try to bribe or influence the regulator simply to speed up the approval process. The middle chain of distribution elongates and also becomes costlier by the amount of unofficial money associated with the drug release of drug release or distribution this can also affect the setting of user fees for drug registration, which are often set well below true cost [6]. Pharmacies and drug stores also require due registration and licensing. The process of licensing pharmacies for operation is corrupted by bribes, favoring kin or political contacts of government agents, geographic inequities, and facilities that do not follow government regulations. As with the registration process the responsible national experts receive compensation from pharmaceutical companies that influence their statistics and thus influencing wrong judgments. Drug Selection The selection of essential medicines in a given country needs to use defined criteria and consultative and transparent process. The inclusion of any pharmaceutical on the list of nations essential medicines is influenced by means of bribery gain due to the opacity in the selection process [8]. Interested parties may also bribe the committee responsible for deciding which products are reimbursed through government social insurance programs. Procurement and lack of skill Providing health facilities with drug and medical supplies is a very complex process. This involves a large variety of members interacting between the private and public sectors. Governments health officials lack the managerial skills required to specify technical details, supervise bidding and monitoring the already active contracts and trail their legal fulfillment. Corruption can occur at any stage of the process influence decisions on the model of procurement rather than competitive bidding, on the type and volume of procured supplies rather than the demand enlisted, and on specifications and selection criteria hence compromising access to essential medicines and hampering their quality endangering lives of the poor who are the most vulnerable victims to corruption. In a context where quality controls are difficult to exercise, an increasing lack of funds results in corruption where officials sell low quality, expired, counterfeit and harmful drugs at cheaper prices. Corrupt procurement officers also purchase sub-standard drugs in place of quality medicines pocketing the difference. Unmonitored systems and lack of official records Falling short of finance the systems are obsolete and poorly monitored, record-keeping is ineffective hence the accounting mechanisms make it an easy opportunity for the corrupt, theft of large quantities of drugs and medical supplies depositories and medical facilities, sale of samples for personal gain in private practices or on the black market [8]. Puppets or patients A Strategy to supplement their meager salaries doctors working for government has been increasingly allowed to open private practices Resulting to which doctors spend official time in public facilities treating private patients, or merely channeling patients to their private practice.Due to the lack of punishment the doctors are either absent or not concerned with their low salary jobs playing with the lives of their patients. 6. How can the drug management corruption be dealt with? Tracking Registration process Authorities need to ensure transparency and accountability. A formal committee responsible for registration of medicines needs to be established where the basis of selection remain technical and competitive with easily accessible terms and conditions and fixed payable fees. Training should be provided for the officials who are responsible managing records and performing registration activities. Drug selection To limit corruption in the process of drug selection practical involvement and fair practice is a must where adopting lists of essential medicines that are based on standard evidence-based treatment guidelines at national and sub-national levels. Government officials need to ensure that the selection of these essential medicines is based on transparent process with expert committee responsible for this exercise operating according to published terms of reference, whose members will be selected based on expertise, and whose decisions will be influenced by current state of scientific evidence. Improving access to medicine In order to tackle this complex problem the causes and manifestations of corruption and the ongoing in the region are too be evaluated to prevent it. Agreements to establish a working group with the industry and NGOs in order to promote transparency in the health sector based on various health standards. Procurement management The prerequisite for curtailing corruption in the procurement process consists of defining rules and guidelines that reduce discretionary powers where they are likely to be abused and to increase the probability for corrupt practices to be detected and sanctioned. Promoting transparency in the procurement process can be achieved by offering clear documentation and public access to bidding results, if possible using an electronic bidding system where interference is not possible, and involving civil society at all stages of the process. Technical assistance and to manage competitive bidding training for procurement officers can also improve standards of the government [3]. Distribution rights To reduce illegal practices at the distribution stage of medical supplies include establishing controlled inventory systems, improving record keeping providing security against robbery in repositories. Providing tools for improving drug distribution systems, including guidelines for forecasting, supply chain management and managing process flow in the distribution system. Promotion Other possible measures include banning practices of gift and sponsorship, following WHO ethical guidelines on medicines promotion [10], and promoting codes of ethics in marketing through trade and professional organizations. The practitioners should be educated against the promotional propaganda of the pharmaceutical companies. 7. summary Addressing the issue of rising health care costs is critical to the economic health of our country, and the physical health of its residents. In this situation when corruption enters the developing nations mainstream it soils the whole system from the lower working class to the managerial level. They participate in the malpractice of endangering the lives of their patients, rather than making medical supply and health services readily available? National health officials are interested in pocketing the differences they earn by under counter money and unofficial fees for items termed as free. Financial management faces corruption due to its poor accountability and inadequate supervision. The Lack of trained officials leads to unmaintained records, wastage of medical supplies and unavailability of required medicines. As a resident official in one of the busiest hospitals I observed the lack of enthusiasm amongst the working staff and also the practitioners this attitude is mainly influenced by the lack of funds, insufficient salaries and unhygienic working environments. The only alternative to satisfy their mere day to day needs , officials are forced to accept bribes and get involved in illegal activities. The drugs not for sale are robbed and distributed at private institutes or also black marketed during times of high demand. The supply is irrespective of demand. Competition in the pharmaceuticals has lead to influencing of doctors in prescribing high cost medicines for their personal benefits and gifts. The respect of human life and the oath of serving our nation with honesty has long been forgotten especially in the Indian sub continent. Lots of ways have been prescribed in books of many volumes but corruption as a disease may blame politicians, poverty and many other uncontrollable traits but the only virus for this disease is human nature and the lack of self control and honesty. The selections of political power is always in the hands of the masses then blaming our leaders and giving them opportunities is like blaming ourselves for the condition we find ourselves in. As an Indian belonging to the middle class I too have observed the corruption in our country, not done much to prevent or stop it but have done enough to encourage and kindle its existence.